Notes on Participatory Observation

Antonia Kerle & Irwan Bajang

Research Question:
What does it mean to be an ‘Ethical Tourist’ in Bali?

Background:
Tourism has been a part of Bali since the Dutch colonial period in the 1900’s. Wealthy Europeans fell in love with the physical beauty of Bali and the culture. As years went by Bali experienced an increasing growth in tourism and subsequently an increased economic prosperity. However, this came at a cost, for hidden by the beauty of tradition was a traumatised population who suffered greatly at the hands of Suharto during the purge of 1965. As a result Suharto used tourism both as an economic boost and as a way to maintain a depoliticised island. Diana Darling writes, ‘Bali was promoted as the nation's "window to the world," and it was hoped that tourism would boost the nation's prestige after the republics messy beginning. It was understood that tourism would also be a tremendous cash cow.’

Nowadays many tourists, particularly Australians choose Bali as their number one travel destination. Although some might condemn the behaviour of drunken Australians in the bars of Kuta and Legian, many of these working class tourists come and bring money directly to locals in ways that wealthier travellers staying at large international chain hotels might not . For these tourists Bali is cheap, close and allows for certain social freedoms that might not exist in Australia. The balinese have also had to change their behaviour to accomodate these tourists. For many Balinese prayer and ritual takes up almost a third of their time and in order for them to compete within the tourist industry the Balinese are forced to change this aspect of their culture. Some feel they must choose between tradition/ritual and a livlihood. We see this question is mirrored all across Bali in the conflict between tradtion/modernity and identity vs. performance.
Although tourism has brought a great deal of economic prosperity to the island of Bali the question remains as to whether this prosperity comes at to high a cost. Do the balinese actually play any role in their own economic empowerment? Some argue that the Balinese actually exist in a more marginal positions as tourguides, waiters, hotel staff and other forms of labour. In this sense, the balinese may not be empowered by tourism but rather they
may have lost control over both their space and identity.

Ultimately the question still remains: Can the relationship between tourisists and Balinese be changed and if so, to what extent do the Balinese themselves see that change as necesary or even possible? Can an ethical tourist really exist in Bali?
Significance of Research:

Tourism impacts the daily lives of all Balinese, whether they are directly involved in the industry or not. For many Balinese their sense of cultural identity is closely tied with tourism and tbe tourist perspective. This research has ramifications for both the Balinese and the tourists who come to Bali. While recognising the importance of tourism on Bali’s economic well being, ethical tourism can provide a greater deal of social and economic empowerment, thus in some ways truly returning Bali back to the Balinese.

Methodology:
In order to complete this research we intend to conduct both formal and informal interviews ( such as participatory observation). Our formal interviews will most likely focus on hotel staff and tourists. In a more formal context such as a hotel or restaurant a more formal interview might allow us access to information. However, participatory observation, such as spending time on the beach, in bars, cafes or in people’s homes as guests will also afford interesting insights into the more organic relationships between tourists and locals. Finally, we also intend to spend time doing academic/library research in order to understand the current and historical tourist dynamics with locals.


Notes on Participatory Observation

As a researcher, participatory observation allows you to fully appreciate the complexity of an organic situation. You receive firsthand knowledge, coloured with the tastes, smells and emotions that are inaccessible through simple book research. We spent an afternoon on the breezy and panoramic Kuta beach, drinking a cold lychee-lime sports drink and watching the so called ‘Kuta cowboys’ play football in the sand. In doing so we had to chance to experience a few hours in the life of Mr. Joko, a man who has worked for 20 years in the same spot selling drinks to tourists like us. We spent time with this man in the hopes of better understanding the labour practices occurring in Bali as a result of tourism. Like many of the men and women who work in the tourist industry Mr. Joko is Javanese and he has spent almost 20 years in Bali. By talking to Mr. Joko and spending time with him we hoped to gain a more thorough idea of what it means to be a cog in the Tourism industry here in Bali. We felt relaxed around each other and enjoyed a very amiable exchange. However, despite this we felt that certain barriers in the form of culture, personal perspective, race and even class might have affected the this experience and prevented Mr. Joko engaging with us openly.

In talking with Mr. Joko we discovered that both immigrants and Balinese are labourers or shopkeepers at the beach, they are do not own hotels, restaurants or art studios. Although there are many Balinese investors, there are more Javanese and foreign investors. Most of these people are laborers or merchandise seller in the public places here in Bali.Even, Mr. Joko in Kuta beach is not selling his own products but instead selling drinks for an anonymous boss where he gets 25% commission. Mr. Joko said that he does not mind this situation. He feels that tourism in Bali has given him and his family a great deal of money.

Mr. Joko is Javanese and this can be a source of conflict amongst those who work in the tourist industry. After Bali bombing, there is something of a “cold war” between the Balinese and the Javanese immigrants. This mainly results from the fact that the main instigators of the Bali bomb were Javanese Muslim fundamentalists. However, according to Mr. Joko, the animosity between the two groups was more greatly influenced by the effect the Bali bomb had on tourism in Bali. The number of tourists that came to Bali after the bomb decreased significantly which impacted the economic wellbeing of the Balinese. Thus we can assume that the current conflict between the Balinese and the Javanese results not from religious differences but rather as a result of tourism and the protectiveness the Balinese feel for their main source of income.

In doing this research we became most aware of my own cultural framework and the obstacles in place that prevented us from engaging in the kind of dialogue we wanted. As an English speaker it was hard for me not only to reach a level of intimacy/ comfort with Mr. Joko that he might have felt if I could speak Indonesian. Irwan, however, had a different experience. As we quickly discovered, I was a tourist whereas Irwan was very clearly a guest, even though both of us were new to Bali. Irwan was not expected to pay the same amount for our drinks as me and he received less attention from the other vendors in the area. From our vantage point, we saw Javanese tourists taking advantage of the many attractions on offer, such as massages and pedicures. However, we did not notice the same kind of behavior from the ‘western’ tourists on the beach. We were told that if I could speak Bahasa Indonesia I could expect the same treatment as Irwan and ultimately spend less money doing the same activities. In this instance, language gave Irwan a certain power that I did not possess. Moreover Irwan felt that his ability to speak bahasa Indonesia allowed him access to a certain kind of open conversation that I could not participate in. Although I did try to practice my Bahasa Indonesia, I still felt that in this instance language served to divide us, maintaining the cool distance between tourist and local despite the friendliness of the conversation as a whole.

Finally, I discovered quickly that asking questions about tourism, while being a tourist myself, poses many obstacles. I wanted to get a better picture of Mr. Joko saw himself in relation to the tourists he worked for. Was he ever insulted by the loutish behavior of drunken Australians? Did he resent them or enjoy their company? In class we have spent a great deal of time trying to understand the impact of tourism on local identity, both positive and negative. Yet when I asked Mr. Joko about his feelings on the subject he seemed universally enthusiastic about tourism.

We do not want to assume that Mr. Joko is lying to us, yet we cannot ignore the fact that I, a tourist, also interviewed Mr. Joko. If what we have learned in class is true, those who work in the tourist industry here in Bali feel a strong social and political pressure to conform to a certain notion of ‘balinese-ness’. Even though Mr. Joko was Javanese he too maintained a kind, friendly and positive demeanor, entirely in accordance with this enforced Balinese cultural code. Would Mr. Joko’s answers be different if he spent time alone with Irwan and I was not there? Maybe. Yet although Mr. Joko’s behavior was not what we wanted or indeed necessarily expected, it perhaps contributed more to our first hand understanding of the divides that exist between the tourists and the locals. We sought the truth and instead found ambiguity. Perhaps, then both tourists and locals engage in a dialogue where the truth is actually what either party finds the most satisfying at the moment.

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